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A Mongolian woman, an aspiring model, is blown to bits with
C-4 explosives.
Allegations are made of an illicit affair, of bribery in
a defense deal, of a dinner in Paris.
A
private investigator points his finger at the deputy
prime minister, who strongly denies any involvement. The
detective retracts his statement and then, well,
disappears.
An
opposition politician releases grainy videotapes of a
top lawyer purportedly trying to fix judicial
appointments.
Charges
of sodomy surface against the politician.
Masked
policemen arrest him.
That, in
a nutshell, is Malaysian politics.
Investors don’t stand a chance predicting what will
happen next: This pulp fiction may even be beyond
Quentin Tarantino’s capacity to piece something
together.
The
sordid saga took a dangerous turn yesterday after the
police in Kuala Lumpur apprehended opposition leader
Anwar Ibrahim, who has said he will have enough
lawmakers on his side by September 16 to bring down the
government.
Malaysian stocks fell to a 16-month low; the country’s
currency, the ringgit, slumped the most in two weeks.
Malaysia
ought to serve as a statutory warning to fast-growing
Asian nations about the pointlessness of chasing the
dream of Western-style prosperity while failing to build
strong democratic institutions. It’s wishful thinking
that the latter would miraculously appear when a
threshold level of per-capita income is crossed.
Desperate moves
Laws
that curb free speech and assembly and allow people to
be put in jail indefinitely without trial create an
illusion of stability, which can last a long time.
However,
the moment cracks appear in the leadership, the
government panics, and so does the challenger.
Both are
driven to take extreme steps because each knows how
tough it is to wrest power—or to regain it—in a game
where the incumbent sets all the rules.
Anwar’s
arrest came after allegations by a former aide that the
60-year-old politician sodomized him on eight occasions.
Anwar
denies the charge and says it’s a conspiracy by leaders
of the ruling coalition—which has governed Malaysia
uninterrupted for 51 years—to hold on to power. Anwar
has filed a defamation suit against his 23-year-old
accuser.
Deputy
Prime Minister Najib Razak denies he ever met—let alone
had an affair with—Altantuya Shaariibuu, a 28-year-old
Mongolian woman murdered in Malaysia two years ago;
Abdul Razak Baginda, a political analyst who was once
employed by Najib, is currently on trial for abetting
the slaying.
Trading
charges
Anwar
says the sodomy allegation against him was instigated by
Najib, who, in turn, says Anwar is framing him to divert
attention from his own homosexuality.
This
isn’t Anwar’s first brush with the sodomy law.
A
similar charge had been brought against him in 1998 when
he was becoming a threat to then Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad; the allegation became the basis for Anwar’s
dismissal as finance minister. The Federal Court
overturned the sodomy conviction in 2004 and released
Anwar from prison.
In
national elections held in March this year, Anwar staged
an upset. The ruling Barisan Nasional, which means
National Front, fell short of a two-thirds supermajority
in parliament; it lost power in five states, including
Selangor, Penang and Perak, three of the most
economically developed.
This led
Mahathir to demand, with increasing stridency, the
ouster of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the current prime
minister. In May, Mahathir even quit the party he led
for 22 years to protest against Abdullah’s continuation.
Anwar’s
challenge
Abdullah
this month said he will hand over power to Najib in
2010. That may be too late for Barisan Nasional and a
section of the Malaysian elite. Anwar last year produced
a videotape showing that top judicial appointments in
Malaysia during Mahathir’s rule were influenced by
businessmen with vested interests.
A
government-appointed commission has found the video clip
authentic and called for further investigations.
No one
really believes that Anwar’s arrest will end the power
struggle in Malaysia. The country in 2008 is different
from what it was in 1998 in several key respects.
Blogs
and other Internet-based news sources now inform public
discourse, even as the mainstream media continue to be
dominated by parties in the ruling coalition.
Gorbachev figure
The
other difference is that in 1998 Anwar was challenging
Mahathir, who had no intention of losing the fight. One
can’t be so sure about Abdullah’s tenacity. Wittingly or
otherwise, Abdullah has positioned himself as a
transition figure, with the Economist magazine comparing
him to Mikhail Gorbachev in an article this month.
Anwar’s
supporters took to the streets yesterday demanding that
he be released. They shouted “reformasi,” or Malay for
“reform,” which was their slogan even 10 years ago.
Race-based quotas that discriminate against ethnic
Chinese and Indians in jobs and education, too much
government involvement in the economy and the attendant
cronyism all need to change in Malaysia.
But
above all, the politics need to be cleaned up. |