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Carandang:
This is a very interesting subject tonight, because
poverty is not really well defined. It means many things
to many people. This country has poverty all over the
place. There’s poverty of health, poverty of order, of
justice, of education, of employment. You’ve got poverty
all over, and when you say poverty alleviation, the
question that comes to mind is which of all these
poverties do you seek to alleviate? Or was the term
poverty alleviation simply invented by the Makati Business
Club to justify the rising prices of stocks and the
improving exchange rate, both of which do not reach the
people? The rising cost of the peso prejudices our
overseas worker. When he used to get 55 to the dollar, for
every hundred dollars he would send over he could put
P5,500 in the hands of his relatives before the VAT tax.
Now that it’s 47 the corresponding decrease has taken
place. The Cebu exporters who make rattan furniture are
impoverished by the improvement of the exchange rate. The
sugar farmer is also impoverished by it. So what is
poverty alleviation? What makes or what constitutes
poverty alleviation? We can settle that question tonight.
Sison:
(Translated from Filipino) We released our platform in the
newspapers. Part of our legislative agenda is a
preferential option for the poor. Now we ask, why are
there more poor people? Because, as we keep pointing out,
of our budget of P1.1 trillion, about 50 percent is used
to repay debt. It’s not a bad thing to pay debts, but when
you use half of the budget for that, you reduce the
resources for creating jobs, for development, technology
and other things people need. Yes, even for
schoolbuildings. One congressman put up a feeding program
just to discourage children from being absent from
classes. It seems to work—I think those are the
initiatives people need.
There are
also debts we shouldn’t even be paying because, for one,
they ruined the economy. Not a single kilowatthour was
used from the nuclear power plant, so why are we paying
for its loan? We should have negotiated first with
creditors. Our prioritization of legislation, particularly
where scarce resources should be allocated first, also
needs reviewing. In many cases, money goes to areas that
don’t really help people.
First
Round
Panelist
Paderanga:
What concrete programs would they (senatoriables) propose,
including proposed legislation, in order to spread the
economic growth, and how effective do they think these
programs will be?

Sison:
I think we should put a cap on our debt service, say, 25
percent of the national budget could go to pay debt. And
we must have legislation to empower the executive
department to re-negotiate loans; let’s give our officials
parameters to define the renegotiation. And we must really
set aside a bigger budget for education. As the
Constitution says, the biggest budget should be on
education not defense. Let’s review the defense budget,
perhaps reduce arms procurement and pursue peace
negotiations with rebels in Mindanao. Besides the human
toll, when there’s fighting, investors shy away; people
can’t have livelihood and their capacity to live another
day is hindered. Many of our people die by default because
people don’t want to invest.
Osmeña:
The long-term solution to poverty alleviation in this
country lies in a very dramatic change in our political
organization. The present government is centrist, power is
concentrated in Manila. I have been proposing for 20 years
the conversion of our government into a federal system,
which not only distributes power to all regions, but also
addresses a main source of instability: the Christian
“tyranny” over our Muslim population. If we could create a
Muslim commonwealth we could be well on our way to solving
the Muslim problem, or should I say the Christian problem.
On specifics, I will address the question of agriculture.
At least 18 million hectares of forest land remain forest
land because our lands, our laws on land, since 1919 have
not been amended, and that is what we have to do.
Panelist
Wallace:
Last year the Philippines attracted about US$1 billion in
foreign investment; there’s another $1 billion in
expansion of existing business here. This was a
considerable increase on the previous year, but it happens
to be the lowest in
Asia. The interest in the
Philippines is just not strong there. What’s your view on
the role of foreign investment in the country and its
economic growth, and what would you do to increase
dramatically—I stress dramatically—the level of foreign
investment?
Sison:
Investments both by foreigners and locals are important.
But only $1 billion has come in because the perception of
businessmen seems to be that our investment policies are
not consistent. Our cost of money is also high; interest
rates may need to be reduced. We also must invest in
infrastructure because when Lee Kuan Yew came here in
1992, he listed five things: first, he said, we must spend
on infrastructure. Second, we have to train people well.
Three, enforce the law regardless of who is involved.
Four, there’s need for transparent governance, and five,
accountability. Let’s start with these, and maybe then
more people will invest here. By the way, we must also
stop extra-judicial killings because they ruin the
country’s image [as a democracy].
Osmeña:
I welcome foreign investments, but they should address the
problem of poverty. Poverty does not exist in Makati. It
exists in the countryside. So, foreign investments should
be directed at the agricultural sector. I earlier
mentioned 18 million hectares of forestry without trees,
which foreign investors could use for plantation type
agriculture. The most successful agricultural ventures in
this country are Dole, Del Monte and the banana
plantations in
Davao. So obviously foreign investment, directed towards
agriculture in the areas of poverty, [will] address
poverty. The other problem is the nature of this foreign
investment. We like to put our foreign investments in
so-called export processing zones, which are nothing
better than glorified King Philip tailoring shops. You
walk into a tailoring shop, you pick the material you want
for your suit and you come back three days later and you
pay him P6,000, P8,000 for that suit, but how much of that
suit has the tailor really put in? P1,000? The other
P7,000 are from material imported from
England.
That is what goes on in the export processing shop zones.
Asperer:
I’ll pick up from the statement of Senator Osmeña
regarding the trickledown effect on the economy. Normally
there are three classifications of a population—the upper
class, middle class and the lower class. Practically all
the interventions that are being done are towards the
upper group and the lowest group. We tend to forget that
right in the middle, that group could act with a
multiplier effect. So I’ll focus the question on that
particular area. What are your proposals in order to,
let’s say tap, the multiplier effect of the middle class?
Sison:
How to expand the middle class? Let’s look at the tax: the
first P100,000 are exempt from taxes but that’s not
enough. I think it’s time we restore that setup when
high-school education tuition was deductible from income
tax. Let’s restore it to encourage people to stay in
school. The tax rates on the middle class are high. Since
VAT has been successful, experts are saying we can cut
income tax. If that can be done, the middle class will
grow, will have more money in their pocket, and they can
even invest. Second, I propose a carrot approach for
employers, for them to apply profit sharing, or possible
stock options. These days not even the top 1000
corporations are listed in the stock exchange. Let’s
encourage that. Anyway, they don’t want to touch the
minimum wage law; then let’s have profit sharing, so we
all grow together.
Osmeña:
The middle class is the one most hurt by the E-VAT, which
was P90 billion last year, P70 billion the year before,
and P45 billion before that—a total of almost P205 billion
from the middle class yan. If you want to help
them, scrap the E-VAT, raise the income tax; raise the
taxes on [luxury cars] that Sen. Recto reduced. The rich
can very well afford to pay higher tax on those. Let’s
scrap the tax-free exchange to gain control—that’s what
Ayala Land uses to avoid paying capital gains tax. They
can pay but they [skirt] it. So if we really want to help
middle class, scrap the regressive taxes like E-VAT, raise
the taxes of the rich, let’s have a progressive tax
system.
Second
Round
Paderanga:
Senator (to Osmeña), I’d like to follow up on your
statement on Charter change. One of the knocks on charter
change, for a federal form of government is that it would
increase the levels of authority and therefore make
running the government more costly. How would you address
that?
Osmeña:
We will not increase the level of authority, because you
will have a national government, and after that you will
have a regional government. The ones that will be
diminished by a federal system will be the provincial
governments because from the region, you go to a regional
assembly down to the component provinces, minus the
provincial board. Now, while there may be costs to that,
these costs will have to be borne in the interest of
people. Because you will have to replicate in each region
certain functions like planning that are now being
undertaken by the national government. As a matter of
fact, what would be left to the national government would
simply be defense, the administration of finance, justice;
everything else will pass on to the regional government.
To me what is important is that Muslims in Mindanao will
have a government that is Muslim-oriented, run by Muslims,
without Christians in Manila telling them what to do with
their lives. And we in Cebu, we can pursue investments,
without having to wait for Manila to trickle down whatever
we should get because we gave her a 1-million vote
majority.
Paderanga:
The other fear is that if you give certain regions
autonomy, you will in fact start the movement for
separatism.
Osmeña:
That is a very real fear, but I don’t think any region can
exist as a separate nation. Maybe we can have our Cebuano
nation, we are certainly capable of it. Anyway, I think
that fear is not really going to materialize. We can keep
our country together; we have overcome for example the
language divisions. Tagalog is now the generally spoken
language. We have one educational system, one monetary
system. We are approaching a single identity. I am
confident, what was feared by the Americans in 1910, that
Mindanao would be lost to the national government, is no
longer a valid fear today.
(to be
continued) |